Although immigrant integration policies have long been hypothesised to be causally related to the salience of xenophobia, systematic empirical research investigating this relationship only gained momentum in recent years. One of the more robust findings is that more permissive policies seem to be associated with decreased perceptions of group threat from immigrants. Yet, these research projects are often limited to once-off cross-sectional comparisons of immigrant integration policies, and anti-foreigner sentiments in European countries. This study uses systematic methods to test the direction of the policy-attitude linkage through a longitudinal analysis. Moreover, the study contributes to the existing literature by expanding this test to South Africa, representing the hitherto under-researched developing world setting and a geographical area that differs from the highly industrialised European context. The longitudinal analysis of immigrant integration policies in Germany and South Africa confirms that over time both countries implemented several changes that resulted in more accommodating policy frameworks. A subsequent analysis of the policy-attitude relationship confirms the direction of causality running from policies to citizens’ economic and cultural threat perceptions. Furthermore, the results confirm that integration policies indeed have the theorised mediating influence on the salience of economic threat in Germany. However, immigrant integration policies do not seem to be connected to economic threat in the case of South Africa.
Recent and upcoming events
The lecture presents findings from long-term content analyses of the coverage of German election campaigns in newspapers and television news and of electoral spots on television. These findings thus show how the media reporting of elections changed over time and also of how the parties present themselves to the electorate. In particular, it will be discussed whether there has been a trend towards personalization in a political system that is dominated by parties.
Poverty and inequality are generational and increasing, and the implication is that they have immunity to intervention, or the current interventions. These problems are better conceptualised as behavioural with the lack of wealth a symptom of that behaviour. Life History (LH) theory offers a biological perspective on human behaviour with a focus on resource allocation. The amount of resources that parents allocate to aspects of reproduction differs, resulting in different parenting and that has consequences for the life of the child. LH theory offers an explanation of resource allocation variation and this study uses the CAPS data set to evaluate the theory in Cape Town.
Educational achievement was the outcome variable in a multiple regression model. The demographic and control variables were gender, race, age and ever pregnant. The variables were wealth and the themes of environment, school, school/parent, and parents. Between two and nine variables were used for each theme and many of variables were composite.
The model accounts for 35% of the variation in educational achievement and the significance is such that the results can be generalised beyond the sample. Parents and school/parents are the dominant factors. The environment and school alone are minor coefficients and wealth is important but with a low significance. There are also important interactions between variables.
This research offers a new perspective on the educational crisis, improving skills, improving health and reducing crime. Biology and particularly life history theory is shown to be a productive tool in understanding poverty and inequality.
In many African states, voters and civil society typically play only a minor role in policymaking. Information about constituent preferences reaches politicians infrequently and unsystematically. This could mean that elected politicians are underinformed and/or under-incentivized to act in the interest of constituents. This project uses an experiment to estimate the impact of new information about voter’s preferences on their representatives’ stated preferences and legislative behavior. In June 2014, the Civil Society Coalition to Stop Maternal, Newborn, and Child Mortality in Uganda polled voters around the country on the extent to which they supported budget increases in health, and the extent to which they were likely to hold their elected representatives to account for failure to deliver adequate health services. The poll revealed that health was the most salient issue for voters and had grown in importance relative to other issues over the past years. Unsurprisingly, a majority of Ugandans felt that their representatives were doing lessthan they should to address systematic failures in service delivery, and reported that this fact was likely to drive their future voting decisions. This information was then distributed to some randomly selected Members of Parliament (MPs) and not others ahead of the final vote on the health budget. Using a petition, we are able to show that learning about citizen priorities pushed MPs, when contacted, to publicly support budget increases for health service provision at a higher rate than their colleagues without this information. Interestingly, treated (informed) MPs were less likely to respond to the petition at all. When it came to the budget, however, it passed unamended and without increases in spending. We interpret this result as illustrative of the extent to which politicians feel their actual actions in Parliament are hidden.
Does the simple repetition of multi-party elections help to expand civil liberties and political rights? Do multi-party elections, no matter how unfree and unfair they may be, over time help to bring about a transition to democracy? In a series of influential publications, Staffan Lindberg has argued yes, based on his African data. Other scholars have been unable to find the same pattern in Latin America and the postcommunist states of Eastern Europe and Eurasia. Moreover, Bogaards (2013, 2014) has recently cast doubt on the African evidence. The one region where the thesis of democratisation through elections has not been tested, so far, is Asia. This presentation seeks to fill that gap by explicitly engaging in "comparative regional democratization" or the application of comparative area studies to the study of democratization. Concretely, the paper asks whether the causal mechanisms and outcomes that Lindberg claims to have found in Africa can also be demonstrated in Asia. The answer to this question will help us with the identification of possible regionally specific processes of democratization.
About the presenter:
Matthijs Bogaards is the Van Zyl Slabbert Visiting Professor in the Department of Political Studies at UCT. He studied at the universities of Leiden, UC Berkeley, and the European University Institute in Florence and has taught at the University of Southampton, Jacobs University Bremen, the Central European University in Budapest, and the University for Peace in Costa Rica. His research interests include democracy in divided societies, deliberative democracy, comparative area studies, and African politics.
Donors have been using various strategies to promote democracy in developing countries. In the mid-1990s, building civil society came to the fore amongst donors influenced by Putnam’s publication, Making Democracy Work, on the importance of social capital for good governance. Putnam concluded that horizontal networks of civic engagement strengthen the performance of a polity. Donors have been stressing vibrant civic engagement since then. This research is to find a correlation between donors’ assistance to foster civil society and civic engagement in 18 sub-Saharan African countries using Afrobarometer survey data
Much of Judge Farlam’s report on the Marikina Commission of Inquiry reads like a list of lies and cover-ups by senior members of the South African Police Service (SAPS). In this presentation, I explore how these lies are part of an entrenched culture of deceit in the SAPS. Drawing on examples from recent ethnographic fieldwork I describe the types of misleading performances officers enact to ease performance pressure and satiate public scrutiny in their daily duties. In so doing I suggest that because the SAPS is often unable to achieve what is expected of it, and because of the general precarity of life for those employed by the SAPS, officers present façades of accomplishment to ward off organisational and public scrutiny. But because they constantly deceive, their performances contribute to their own suspicion and mistrust of the public and of each other, and so shape the way they do their work. Four trends in organisational deception are discussed: 1) Public performance lies, 2) Data lies, 3) Internal and External Lies, which lead to and are connected by a 4) Culture of suspicion. I suggest that the intersections between officers’ personal aspirations and their tendencies to deceive, contribute to the SAPS’ vulnerability to political abuse.
About the Presenter:
Andrew Faull is a Post-Doctoral Fellow at the University of Cape Town’s Centre of Criminology. He recently completed his doctorate on personal identity and police work at the University of Oxford, before which he was a Senior Researcher in the Crime and Justice Programme and the Institute for Security Studies. He is currently working on a book with the working title Accidental Police Officers: Personal identity, precarity and police work in South Africa
This book presents a comprehensive theory of why human freedom gave way to increasing oppression since the invention of states – and why this trend began to reverse itself more recently, leading to a rapid expansion of universal freedoms and democracy. Drawing on a massive body of evidence, the author tests various explanations of the rise of freedom, providing convincing support of a well-reasoned theory of emancipation. The study demonstrates multiple trends toward human empowerment, which converge to give people control over their lives. Most important among these trends is the spread of “emancipative values,” which emphasize free choice and equal opportunities. The author identifies the desire for emancipation as the origin of the human empowerment trend and shows when and why this desire grows strong; why it is the source of democracy; and how it vitalizes civil society, feeds humanitarian norms, enhances happiness, and helps redirect modern civilization toward sustainable development.
The book won the Alexander L. George Award 2014 (International Society of Political Psychology) as well as the Stein Rokkan Prize 2014 (European Consortium of Political Research).